What this can — and cannot — tell you
This explorer shows descriptive changes and cross-city associations. It does not test whether political lean causes crime or prosperity. Demographics, industry mix, national recessions, population shifts, policing practices, reporting changes, state and federal policy, and many other factors move these series. Reverse causation and time lags are possible. Voters are not all residents, and presidential voting is not the same thing as local elected leadership.
A fixed cohort, not a complete national census
The 30 largest incorporated places in the Census Vintage 2024 July 1 population ranking are included, without dropping cities for inconvenient outcomes. It is a fixed present-day cohort, not the 30 largest in every historical year. New York through Baltimore are included. Data completeness varies by city and year; no values have been invented.
Important gaps
- This is not a complete 50-year matched panel. The slider spans 1975–2024; presidential observations are 1976–2024 election years; income and poverty start in 1989 with early gaps.
- Crime year 2020 has not been harmonized in this build. The 2016 city data come from Table 6 (the city table that year), and 2017–2019 from Table 8; headers were verified instead of assuming table numbering was constant. Property crime is included for 2016–2019 and 2021–2024 where reported.
- Recent crime coverage omits Jacksonville (Florida reporting gaps). Other agency-years can also be absent; see the city coverage panel and CSV. No latest-year value is silently replaced with an older value.
- The revised rape definition (2013), NIBRS transition (2021), agency boundary changes, and changing reporting completeness prevent simple like-for-like interpretation. Los Angeles 2024 is explicitly noncomparable. Crime rates use FBI agency populations, not Census place populations; the Marshall Project notes that its original 2015 calculation used a prior-year population estimate.
- Income uses national inflation adjustment, not a city-specific price index. SAIPE estimation methodology changed over time. Poverty percentages do not directly measure wealth, and household income is not a measure of total economic production.
- Most city labels use a primary county proxy for both voting and economy. This includes suburbs and may omit parts of the city. New York is the most substantial mismatch: Manhattan county voting/income versus citywide crime. These are exploratory comparisons, not matched-geography estimates.
Sources & rights
All datasets below were opened for this build. “As of” is the compilation/retrieval date, not the observation year. Original-source rights remain in place; no blanket open license is asserted for third-party repositories without one.
Reproducible files
Download the compiled city-year CSV · Download methods & source metadata
Bundled Chart.js 4.4.8 (MIT; license in vendor/). No accounts, API keys, external scripts, or tracking. Static snapshot compiled November 6, 2026; no automatic refresh.